Question: In
its literature, the Worker-communist Party of Iran has clearly spoken
about the necessity of abolishing capital punishment. What is the WPI's
reasoning behind the necessity of abolishing capital punishment?
Mansoor Hekmat: Capital punishment is the state's terminology for murder.
Individuals murder each other, but states sentence individuals to 'capital
punishment.' The demand to end capital punishment and prohibit murder
stems from opposition to intentional, deliberate and planned murder
of one by the other. That a state or ruling political force is responsible
does not make the slightest difference to the fact that we are dealing
with intentional murder. Capital punishment is the most deplorable and
appalling form of intentional murder since a political authority, publicly,
with prior notice, on behalf of society, with the utmost legitimacy
and ruthlessness, decides to murder someone, and announces the date
and time of the event.
Question: With
the abolishment of capital punishment, how can grievances be filed against
murderers?
Mansoor Hekmat: It is an interesting
question. With the abolishment of capital punishment, right from the
start, a leading murderer, the state, will immediately be stopped. Your
question implies that capital punishment has been invented to file grievances
against murderers or that lawmakers found it suitable for the crime
of murder after lengthy deliberations. Capital punishment, however,
has nothing to do with murder in society. It has its own history. It
is the state's rights and powers over citizens today as a continuation
of the state's rights and powers in the past. When Agha Mohammad Khan
Ghajar blinds and kills residents of an entire town, he is not objecting
to a specific crime. When a horse thief in America is hanged or a soldier
who has escaped military service is executed, they are not registering
a grievance in a judicial sense, but rather they are putting people
in their places and forcing them to submit to rules and regulations.
They are terrorising people. They are governing. In today's world, capital
punishment is not just a so-called punishment for murder, it is also
a punishment for unauthorised sex, hoarding, believing in common ownership,
forming opposition parties, mocking of god and prophets, homosexuality,
etc. From the beginning of state rule, the killing of inhabitants has
always been and is a pillar of forcing people into submission. The history
of capital punishment is not found in judicial debates about crime and
punishment, but rather in the history of class rule and the state. States
kill their citizens today. This must be stopped.
You ask if there is no capital punishment,
what can we do with murderers? The killing of murderers is a repetition
of murder. This cannot be done. What else can be done depends on the
judicial philosophy of society. In the current system, a murderer could
be imprisoned. Perhaps in an ideal society, people could be protected
from the repetition of murder, or the murderer could be made to understand
its offensiveness, without even taking away his/her freedom. In an ideal
society, it may even be possible to create conditions so that pre-meditated
murder does not occur.
Question: How would
the WPI treat the Pasdaran (Revolutionary Guards) and torturers who
are captured and found guilty of murder?
Mansoor Hekmat: There are no capital punishment or life sentences in
our system of laws. Clearly, these people should be imprisoned and worked
on so that they can return to society and be forgiven.
Question: Without
capital punishment, how will families of the murdered obtain justice?
Mansoor Hekmat: The idea that the family
of the victim owns the victim's blood and that justice is a debt owed
by society is a backward and unacceptable concept. The victim's family's
sadness and sorrow is undeniable. But if capital punishment is allowed
to appease their sorrows, why is murder not excused for similar emotions?
Can anyone who has suffered humiliation, been crushed, lost everything,
become a drug addict, bankrupt or homeless commit murder to appease
bitter emotions? Is the state a killing machine, which individuals refer
to for retribution? Is justice a concept replacing retribution? The
meaning of justice should be discussed later. The concept is not so
objective and beyond the class system that some might think.
Question: Would not
the abolition of capital punishment result in increased crime?
Mansoor Hekmat: No, the reverse. As
I said before, the long list of state sponsored murders will immediately
stop. The US government and its prosecutors are the busiest professional
murderers in that country. The abolishment of capital punishment is
like arresting 150 serial killers at once! Furthermore, a society that
legally permits the killing of human beings can never prevent its repetition
by the general public. The abolition of capital punishment and declaring
the value of human life is the first step in the struggle against a
culture of murder in society. Official statistics clearly show that
in Holland, Scandinavia and Britain where capital punishment are prohibited,
the murder rate (in ratio to the population) is far less than in the
United States.
Question: In your
opinion, what should be the objectives of punishing criminals?
Mansoor Hekmat: I am not sure if punishment
is basically a good word for a humane judicial system. In my opinion,
aside from prevention and removing the social, economic and cultural
bases of crime, society must first, with minimal use of force and minimal
deprivation of the offender's normal life, protect itself from the repetition
of an offence. Secondly, it must help these individuals transform. I
think that retribution and punishments that make examples of persons
must be banned. We must reach a point where society so distances itself
from violence that it treats it like natural disasters, rushing in to
help the victims, making efforts to avoid its repetition and minimise
the damage, without sacrificing anyone by throwing them in the volcano
or the sea.
Question: If
the abolition of capital punishment is to value human life and the right
to live, then how do we pursue the demand for the freedom of political
prisoners who have killed innocent human beings during the course of
their political actions? What should be done to a fighter who has planted
a bomb on a bus or other place and consequently killed one or more persons?
Must we demand their freedom?
Mansoor Hekmat: I do not call an individual
who plants a bomb on buses and planes, a fighter. Unfortunately, for
a specific period, this method became popular in some legitimate movements
and was later elevated to an art of killing under the guise of politics
by some reactionary movements. I do not have general formula to deal
with them. It depends on the state they are fighting against, on the
judicial standards of the given country and its legal legitimacy and
on the conditions under which it occurs. In my opinion, the case of
those who bomb non-military targets is not a political case. It is possible
to provide secondary political reasons for the crime, but the case is
not a political one. However, if those who have attacked non-military
targets are to be arrested and tried, several Western presidents and
prime ministers, hundreds of American and European bureaucrats, generals
and commanders will be the first to be accused. I see no difference
between Timothy McVeigh who committed such a massive crime in Oklahoma
and those who bombed shelters, schools and houses, killing so many in
Baghdad.
Question: Which authority
must try these?
Mansoor Hekmat: A power that has legal
legitimacy. According to their definition, despotic governments do not
have such legitimacy. In my opinion, to try the general Schwartzkopfs
and the Bin Ladens, acceptable courts could be found or created even
in this bourgeois world.
Question: What is
your definition of a political prisoner?
Mansoor Hekmat: In my opinion, there
are two categories of political prisoners and prisoners of war, which
are relevant to this discussion. A political prisoner is someone who
is in prison for opposing a government. Accordingly political prisoners
must be freed. There should not be any trial. Anyone who has carried
out political activities against a government must not be arrested.
Moreover, prisoners of war have not committed any crimes and must not
be deprived of their civil rights, including freedom. This of course
is not only a matter between states. In my opinion, members of guerrilla
organisations who have declared war on states and have been captured
must be entitled to the same rights as prisoners of war. Current laws
must profoundly be changed in favour of these prisoners. Imprisoning
an individual and depriving him/her of their normal life must be banned.
But arrangements could be made to prevent the individual from re-joining
his/her army until the end of the war or until it is ensured that s/he
will not take part in the war again. Finally, we have another concept
of war crimes. This concept must be seriously redefined and include
all instances in which forces attack non-military and civilian structures.
In recent years, we have witnessed the most widespread war crimes committed
by western and local governments in different countries such as Iraq
and Yugoslavia. There are many war criminals that roam freely among
people as leaders, national heroes and patriots who must be tried.
Question: What are
the reasons behind Islamic fundamentalists' insistence and eagerness
on annihilating and killing their opponents?
Mansoor Hekmat: I have not researched
whether someone is first attracted to murdering and then becomes an
Islamic fundamentalist or vice versa but I am sure the answer is somewhere
in your question.
The above is a summary of an interview
first published in Khavaran, the quarterly of the Organisation in Defence
of Political Prisoners in Iran, Fall 2000. It was reprinted in International
Weekly No. 26, November 3, 2000. Mansoor Hekmat is the WPI's Leader.