The Obvious Lessons of Berlin
on Iran after the 'Elections'
Interview with Mansoor Hekmat
The following is a
summary of an article by Mansoor Hekmat, Leader of the WPI, on the convictions
of individuals involved in a conference in Berlin organised by the Heinrich
Böll Institute in April 2000. The conference was a joint initiative
of the German government and 2nd Khordad. (2nd Khordad is the date that
Khatami was "elected" president; they are also known as "reformists.")
Political opponents, led by the WPI, exposed the Islamic regime and
prevented the conference from taking place as planned.
The sham Berlin conference trials and long-term prison and exile verdicts
imposed on some of the most lenient critics of the Islamic Republic
of Iran have, more than anything else, politically vindicated those
opponents of the Islamic Regime who disrupted German-2nd Khordad plans
to promote Islam and the Islamic state.
Even before any "court" summonses had been issued, Berlin
conference organisers and speakers made known the philosophy behind
the conference - the rapprochement between Iran and the West. They revealed
that the conference was a German government proposal, which aimed to
prepare public opinion for Khatami's impending visit to Germany and
to test and silence the opposition. The conference intended to present
a more palatable image of the regime, bring the notion of "critical
dialogue" to fruition, and expand finances and arms for pistachio
deals. The speakers stated that the Ministry of Intelligence and state
officials were fully informed of the conference and authorised and facilitated
their participation. They said they attended the Berlin conference to
serve the Islamic state and insisted that they had done this admirably.
At the Berlin conference, the 2nd Khordad aimed to present an image
of a different Iran and a different Islamic Republic, to be backed by
the West vis-à-vis its opponents. They aimed to present an Islamic
Republic full of smiles and chirping birds, where harmless mullahs with
radiant faces and sheer robes frolic, hand in hand in meadows chasing
butterflies, collecting stamps and learning the Internet. It aimed to
present a place where the Pasdars [repressive Revolutionary Guards]
had washed their bloody hands and were now making films for European
festivals and studying philosophy, and where women, while tightly holding
on to their black chadors (veils) with their teeth (its "their
culture" you know), were exercising cycling and feminism with their
husbands' permission. It aimed to present a 'civil' Iran wallowing in
toleration and moderation and "due procedure."
The speakers at the conference were there to announce that the brave
armies of Islamic Reformism had already seized the executive power and
had now laid siege to the legislative fortress. Victory was at hand.
They had gone to Berlin to sell Khatami's smile and the publication
of magazines by a few ex-Pasdars as evidence of freedom of expression,
political liberalisation and 'civil society' in Iran. They had gone
to present the sham Islamic Majlis as a lawful parliament. They had
gone to Berlin to blame the slaughter of opponents on "rogue"
elements and miscellaneous gangs in order to absolve the Islamic Republic,
its leader, its president, legislature, judiciary, cabinet, intelligence
ministry and all those on its payroll of any culpability. They were
there to conceal - behind a cardboard image of a reactionary mullah
and worthless utterances about 'modern Islam' - the mass executions
and stonings, the unmarked graves, the unpaid workers, right-less women,
hopeless youth, ruined children, suppressed beliefs and silenced voices.
They wanted to cover up the complete lack of rights for people in society
and in law and the constant deadly hovering of the sword of Islamic
retribution and barbarity over every aspect of citizens' lives and minds.
They had gone to Berlin to defend the Islamic Republic, to promote it
and push back its opponents. They tried but failed.
On the contrary, the Berlin conference was transformed into a scene
of immense opposition against the entirety of the Islamic regime, the
German government and the reactionary pro-government 'opposition.' Survivors
of the slaughtered generation, progressives and primarily Communists
shut the farce down. They held up the realities of the rule of Islamic
reaction and its bloody repression for all to see. They cried for the
overthrow of the regime - a demand of the vast majority of people in
Iran. They foiled the German and Iranian governments' several million
Mark publicity stunt.
Officials of the German government, the Heinrich Böll Institute
and company expressed shock at the sentences passed. Yet wasn't this
the very truth they were attempting to silence with brute force [the
German police beat protesters and attempted to arrest them] - the truth
that in the Islamic Republic there is no freedom of expression and thought.
Under its rule, people are killed for their opinions and flogged for
attending parties. Were they unaware of twenty years of executions,
tortures, stonings, and clandestine murders by the Leader's death squads
and the President's ministries? Were there not hundreds at that conference
who cried out that the prerequisite to freedom is an end to this regime
and that 2nd Khordad (the Islamic Reform movement) is the other side
of the same coin?
Verdicts imposed by the Islamic 'court' on the Berlin case have nothing
to do with participation in and speeches given at the Berlin conference.
(Some given long-term prison sentences like Sadr and Rostam-Khani did
not even take part in the conference.) Moreover, the convictions have
nothing to do with the protestations of the regime's opposition at the
conference and the allegedly 'soft' reaction of speakers to them. Videos
of the conference verify that most of those convicted defended their
Islamic state in Iran wholeheartedly. Even before they were to be prosecuted,
Sahabi, Rais-Dana, Jalaie-pour, Eshkevari and some others carried out
virulent attacks and character assassinations on those demanding the
overthrow of the regime, including the WPI and its leaders. They did
not hesitate to label us 'foreign agents' and effectively demand a 'fatwa'
for our execution and assassination. If anything, the Berlin conference
showed the right wing that the 2nd Khordad spokespersons are ever loyal
to the Islamic state.
The irony is that the Berlin conference speakers received such heavy
sentences precisely because of this fact. They are the victims of the
policy of 'active calm,' and the impasse of 2nd Khordad and Islamic
Reformism. They are the victims of idiotic attempts to moderate the
regime and at the same time to prevent change. Somewhere between the
Berlin conference and the final convictions, 2nd Khordad reached an
impasse; Islamic Reformism's bubble burst. The convicted are in fact
prisoners of war. Their leaders have kneeled, their strategists are
stumped and their forces have taken flight. The Islamic Student Association
in Ilam is right when it says: "If anyone, anywhere had stood firm
on anything, Afshari and Sahabi would not be in prison today."
Even the German officials and their shocked Iranian friends know very
well that state terrorism, summary trials, Islamic retribution, execution
and torture have not stopped for even one day during the last twenty
years. The Islamic state set up the Berlin show trials in part to cover
up a recent series of state-sponsored murders. Even while the trials
were in progress, 800 people have been sentenced to death by execution
and stoning and the killings have already started. Hundreds have been
arrested, flogged and battered for celebrating New Year. These are the
realities of the Islamic Iran of Khamanei, Khatami and Rafsanjani.
Those condemned by the "Berlin" trials must be freed immediately.
For us, this is part of the unceasing struggle to overthrow the vile
Islamic regime and liberate all its victims. This struggle is gaining
force at an unprecedented pace. Those who on that day at the Berlin
conference spoke the truth will find their place at the head of the
imminent historical political developments in Iran.
The article was first published in Farsi in International Weekly No.
37, dated January 19, 2001.